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up t se [p t ÔdrinkÕ] Ôdrink oneself to ruinÕ, vytancovat se [tancovat ÔdanceÕ] Ôget oneÕs fill of
dancingÕ, zazp vat si [zp vat ÔsingÕ] Ôenjoy some singingÕ, pospat si [sp! t ÔsleepÕ] Ôget a good
sleepÕ.
Factitives in -it
Factitives are transitive verbs formed from adjectives that denote Ômake X Y(adj)Õ. These verbs
are often formed with -it, sometimes in combination with prefixes: chladit [chladn´ ÔcoolÕ]
Ômake coolÕ, ost¤it [ostr´ ÔsharpÕ] ÔsharpenÕ, zjednodu£it [jednoduch´ ÔsimpleÕ] ÔsimplifyÕ,
obna¢it [nah´ ÔnakedÕ] ÔexposeÕ. Factitives can also be transitive verbs formed from nouns
denoting Ôsubject X to Y (noun)Õ: hnojit [hn¬j ÔfertilizerÕ] ÔfertilizeÕ, solit [s¬l ÔsaltÕ] ÔsaltÕ,
usmrtit [smrt ÔdeathÕ] ÔkillÕ.
ÒBecomingÓ and ÒbeingÓ verbs in -at, -it, -«t, -nout
Verbs with the meaning of ÒbecomingÓ and ÒbeingÓ are formed primarily from adjectives and
denote taking on a characteristic. With adjectival roots describing colors and the formant -at, the
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reflexive se can be optionally added to suggest appearance or looking like a given color: teplat
[tepl´ ÔwarmÕ] Ôget warmÕ, ªervenat (se) [ªerven´ ÔredÕ] Ôturn red (appear red)Õ. Nouns (usually
denoting professions) can serve as source material for verbs in -it meaning Ôbe an XÕ: pytlaªit
[pytl! k ÔpoacherÕ] Ôbe a poacher, do some poachingÕ, zedniªit [zedn k ÔmasonÕ] Ôbe a mason, do
some masonryÕ. The formant -«t is more versatile, creating verbs meaning ÔbecomeÕ, sometimes
in combination with prefixes (tmav«t [tmav´ ÔdarkÕ] Ôget darkÕ, on«m«t [n«m´ ÔdeafÕ] Ôgo deafÕ),
and also providing verbs for making sounds (k°uªet [k°u Ôwhining noiseÕ] ÔwhineÕ, bzuªet [bz
ÔbuzzÕ] ÔbuzzÕ). Finally, -nout produces imperfective verbs from many adjectives, such as:
blbnout [blb´ ÔstupidÕ] Ôbe/act stupidÕ, ml! dnout [mlad´ ÔyoungÕ] Ôgrow youngerÕ, m«knout
[m«kk´ ÔsoftÕ] Ôsoften upÕ.
Diminutive verbs
Diminutive verbs are used almost exclusively in speaking with or about children and end in
Ðinkat. The most common are spinkat [sp! t ÔsleepÕ] ÔsleepÕ and blinkat [bl t ÔvomitÕ] Ôspit upÕ.
Foreign borrowings and neologisms with -ovat
Most new verbs entering the lexicon, whether from foreign languages or from neologisms
based on native morphology, do so by adding -ovat: fotografovat ÔphotographÕ, inspirovat
ÔinspireÕ, ª slovat [ª slo ÔnumberÕ] ÔnumberÕ.
2.3 Morphology of Colloquial Czech
The aim of this section is to present only the most obvious examples and patterns of Colloquial
Czech inflection. Colloquial Czech derivation uses the same inventory of morphemes as the
literary language, albeit with certain differences in the distribution of frequency, which will not
be addressed in this section. It should be understood that Literary and Colloquial Czech are not
two distinct and separate registers, but rather constitute a continuum of grammatical as well as
lexical features. Most grammatical features are shared across the continuum, and the remainder
show a hierarchy of representation (some are relatively neutral, others relatively marked as either
literary or colloquial variants). Some of the features identified as Colloquial Czech (CCz) below
may be virtually universal for all speakers, whereas others are less frequent and or stylistically
marked. Readers who desire greater detail on this topic are referred to Townsend 1990.
2.3.1 Inflection of nouns
The single most pervasive feature of Colloquial Czech nominal inflection is an Ipl ending of
Ðama/Ыma for all three genders (replacing masculine and neuter endings in -y/-i, feminine
endings in -ami/-«mi, and yielding -ma for the kost type of feminine nouns). Compare the
literary and Colloquial Czech Ipl forms for our head nouns: LCz bratry vs. CCz bratrama
ÔbrothersÕ, LCz ko£i vs. CCz ko£ema ÔbasketsÕ, LCz mal ¤i vs. CCz mal ¤ema ÔpaintersÕ, LCz
kotly/-i vs. CCz kotlama/-ema ÔcauldronsÕ, LCz p¤ednosty vs. CCz p¤ednostama ÔchiefsÕ, LCz
zachr! nci vs. CCz zachr! ncema ÔprotectorsÕ, LCz ¢enami vs. CCz ¢enama ÔwomenÕ, LCz
r¬¢emi vs. CCz r¬¢ema ÔrosesÕ, LCz dlan«mi vs. CCz dlan«ma Ôpalms of handÕ, LCz kostmi
vs. CCz kostma ÔbonesÕ, LCz m«sty vs. CCz m«stama ÔcitiesÕ, LCz n! b¤e¢ mi vs. CCz
n! b¤e¢ ma ÔwaterfrontsÕ, LCz sl¬°aty vs. CCz sl¬°atama Ôbaby elephantsÕ. Other Colloquial
Czech features relate only to a given paradigm or group of nouns.
Masculine nouns ending in a velar that undergoes a Type 1 alternation before the Lpl - ch in
Literary Czech may receive -! ch instead with no alternation in Colloquial Czech: LCz o voj! c ch
vs. CCz vo voj! k! ch Ôabout the soldiersÕ. With some masculine hard stem nouns the expected
Lpl - ch is regularized to -ech: LCz v les ch vs. CCz v lesech Ôin the forestsÕ. In Colloquial
Czech there is some preference for DLsg -ovi over -i: LCz holiªi/-ovi vs. CCz holiªovi/-i
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ÔbarberÕ. The CCz forms chleba ÔbreadÕ and sejra ÔcheeseÕ, equivalent to the Gsg partitive
forms LCz chleba, s´ra, have spread to the NAsg, eclipsing the functions of LCz NAsg chl%7Å„b,
s´r. CCz is also characterized by sporadic differences in vowel length, particularly shortening of
¬ and in desinences. The neuter - paradigm (see head noun n! b¤e¢ ÔwaterfrontÕ) tends to
acquire adjectival endings in Colloquial Czech, creating forms such as CCz Gsg n! b¤e¢ ho, Dsg
n! b¤e¢ mu, Gpl n! b¤e¢ ch, all of which are represented by LCz n! b¤e¢ . The two feminine
paradigms with Nsg ending in a consonant, the -e/« type (head noun: dla° Ôpalm of handÕ) and
the -i type (head noun: kost ÔboneÕ) have become to some degree intermingled in CCz, which
tends to prefer the -e/-« type endings for all nouns of both types, creating CCz forms such as
kost ch vs. LCz kostech ÔbonesÕ and CCz lod« vs. LCz lod«/lodi ÔboatÕ.
2.3.2 Inflection of adjectives and adverbs
The two vowels that produce the most characteristic phonological features of Colloquial Czech,
%7Å„ (which shifts to ´/ ) and ´ (which shifts to ej), figure prominently in adjectival morphology,
accounting for most of the differences between the LCz and CCz hard-stem paradigm below.
Other distinctions include the replacement of LCz Ipl -mi with CCz -ma (cf. the above
discussion of nouns), and the removal of gender distinctions in the Npl (including the Type 1
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